Sunday, September 1, 2024

Kadambari Jethwani - Sajjan Jindal - YS Jagan and Vijayawada Police

 Kadambari Jethwani - Sajjan Jindal - YS Jagan and Vijayawada Police 

Pati, Patni aur Woh: Salacious scandals rock Andhra Pradesh; Government appears partisan
Photo of C R Gowri Shanker C R Gowri Shanker Follow on Twitter|   Published: 1st September 2024 6:45 pm IST
Pati, Patni aur Woh: Salacious scandals rock Andhra Pradesh; Government appears partisan
Hyderabad: Ever since Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu who romped home victorious on development plank Andhra Pradesh has been rocked by “other woman and sex scandals.”

While Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu is busy trying to implement his election promises, construct Amaravathi as the State’s capital, and bring in new investments and development in Andhra Pradesh, scandals have overshadowed developmental issues for the past few months.
The latest is actor Kadambari Jethwani’s case. She had alleged that some YSRCP leaders and two IPS officers detained her during Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy rule and brought pressure on her to withdraw a “sexual assault” case she had filed against a businessman Sajjan Jindal, chairman of Jindal in Maharashtra.

For the last few days, media, especially TV channels have been doling out pro and against stories against the actor. The actor who has been brought to Vijayawada for filing complaints to the police cried bitterly in front of the media alleging that some bigwigs in the previous YSRCP led Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy Government had made slanderous allegations against her, harassed her and their family. She sought justice.
Interestingly, she had also named two IPS officers for harassment. Telugu Desam Government took up the case seriously since it involved YSRCP leaders and some top cops. A battery of lawyers is backing her.
‘I was tortured’
The actor alleged that the case against her was “illegal” and two police officers misused their powers and intimidated her. She was arrested and released on bail.

The curious case of the actor had its roots in Mumbai. She had filed a “sexual assault” complaint against Sajjan Jindal at Mumbai’s Bandra-Kurla complex police station. When police did not take her case seriously, she approached Mumbai High Court following which a case was registered against Jindal.
However, the case took a curious turn when in February, a case of forgery and fraud was filed against her and her parents in Vijayawada by a YSRCP leader Kukkala Vidyasagar. This led to her arrest and subsequently, she levelled serious allegations against some YSRCP leaders and top police officials.
Andhra Pradesh government is having a relook into the alleged false case and appointed Assistant Commissioner of Police Ms Sravanthi Roy from the Central Crime Station to investigate the case and submit a report at the earliest.

“I and my family have been tortured and harassed by police and others in the false case. I have done no wrong. I want justice for me and my family from the AP Government,” she told the media.
However, YSRCP leaders and pro-YSRCP media deny her allegations.
Pati, Patni aur Woh
Earlier, people were aghast over a domestic issue involving YSRCP MLC Duvvada Srinivas in Tekkali. His wife Vani, their two daughters, Hyndavi and Naveena, levelled allegations of neglect by their father who was allegedly seeing another woman.

Srinivas contesting on the YSRCP ticket lost the Tekkali Assembly seat in 2014 and the Srikakulam Lok Sabha seat in the 2019 elections. However, he was nominated to the Legislative Council.
YSRCP leader, who had a tiff with his family, is allegedly in an illicit relationship with a social media influencer and dancer Divvala Madhuri. For days, TV viewers had seen juicy stories, at times disgusting. Madhuri denied all the allegations.
“Mr Srinivas is my guide and philosopher,” Madhuri asserted. Madhuri met with a car accident while driving in Palasa.
She sustained injuries in the accident and was rushed to the Palasa Government Hospital. In a significant turn, Madhuri alleged she deliberately crashed her car, unable to bear online trolls targeting her and her children. She even threatened to commit suicide.
Vijaya Sai Reddy episode
In another juicy story, YSRCP MP V Vijaya Sai Reddy was linked to Kalingiri Shanthi, an Assistant Endowment Commissioner following a complaint by her husband Madan Mohan.
There were demands from rivals to Vijaya Sai Reddy, a close confidant of Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy to undergo DNA test.
Both YSRCP Member of Parliament Vijaya Sai Reddy and Shanthi denied the allegations saying it was an attempt to malign their image. They also threatened to sue media houses.
Vijaya Sai Reddy said the woman employee had met him on a couple of occasions in the course of her duty like many other officials when he was in Visakhapatnam and denied any wrongdoings.
Peeping toms
Close on the heels of the actor incident, an alleged hidden camera in the toilet of a hostel of female students of a private Gudlavalleru Engineering College in Krishna District and the circulation of some objectionable videos have rocked the State.
A female student, who noticed tampered showers, and taps in the bathroom raised an alarm leading to all-night protests by the female students. They alleged that a camera was secretly placed and recordings were sold by a senior student of the same college.
The government immediately swung into action and ordered an inquiry. Human Resource Development Minister Nara Lokesh on his X post said, “I got detailed information on the incident from officials. I have ordered an inquiry into hidden cameras. Stringent action will be taken against the culprits. I directed officials to ensure these incidents do not recur in colleges.”
Some students stumbled upon the concealed camera in their toilet, complained to college authorities, and organised protests till government officials assured stringent action against the culprits.
Shockingly, in almost all scandals media outlets have taken opposite stands making them salacious.
కాదంబరి జత్వానీ కేసుపై ఎల్లో వర్సెస్ బ్లూ మీడియా: ఎవరిమాటలో నిజమెంత? సజ్జన్ జిందాల్‌పై ముంబైలో కాదంబరి పెట్టిన కేసులో తన ఆరోపణలను సమర్థించుకోవటానికి కోర్టుకు రుజువులు చూపాల్సిన సమయానికి ఆమె విజయవాడలో పోలీసుల అధీనంలో ఉన్నారు.
https://andhrapradesh.thefederal.com/states/is-the-anger-of-the-people-of-haryana-increasing-on-the-gujaratis-142328?infinitescroll=1
https://andhrapradesh.thefederal.com/states/is-the-anger-of-the-people-of-haryana-increasing-on-the-gujaratis-142328?infinitescroll=1
https://andhrapradesh.thefederal.com/states/is-the-anger-of-the-people-of-haryana-increasing-on-the-gujaratis-142328?infinitescroll=1


Kadamabari Jethwani Case and Political Vendetta: How TDP Govt Misleading Facts to Take Revenge Against YSRCP?
Aug 31, 2024, 12:16 IST
 - Sakshi Post
The TDP coalition government is leaving no stone unturned to turn the Kadambari Jatwani case, involving a woman accused of deceiving industrialists and illegally acquiring their assets, into a political vendetta. They are twisting the narrative of the case to accelerate their political revenge plot against the opposition YSRCP. Allegedly, they are manipulating statements given by officials and witnesses related to the case, trying to cast doubt on their original testimonies.
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Nara Lokesh is using his "Red Book" to target police officials mentioned in it for his vendetta, while also orchestrating a smear campaign against the YSRCP government. Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu, Home Minister Anitha, and others openly expressing support for the accused woman in this case further exposes the government’s schemes. Under pressure from TDP leaders, senior police officers in Vijayawada are being accused of distorting the case for political revenge.
Targeting Three IPS Officers: Coerced Statements
The victim, Vidhya Sagar, filed a complaint in February of this year with Vijayawada police, alleging that Kadambari Jethwani blackmailed him and forged documents to illegally claim his five acres of land. Following court approval, a case was registered, and a team of police officials traveled to Mumbai, where they arrested her with the help of local police. She was subsequently brought to Vijayawada on a transit warrant and presented in court, which remanded her to custody.
Later, the court granted five days of police custody for Jatwani, during which she was interrogated in the presence of her personal lawyer and the government VRO. Multiple witnesses related to the forged documents and the advance payment for the five-acre land were also questioned. Satisfied with the investigation, the court decided to remand her. Despite this, the TDP coalition government is desperately trying to twist the case's narrative, pressuring former witnesses and officials who had given statements to retract their earlier testimonies.
Some officers have been reportedly coerced into saying that they gave their statements under pressure from IPS officers at the time, and they are being threatened with severe consequences if they do not comply. Lower-level officers who were part of the team that went to Mumbai are also reportedly being threatened. The conspiracy appears to involve an attempt to frame senior IPS officers mentioned in Lokesh’s Red Book by claiming they registered false cases against Kadambari Jatwani under pressure.
Vijayawada Commissionerate High Drama
In a dramatic turn, Kadambari Jatwani was brought to Vijayawada on Friday and accommodated in a star hotel, where certain police officials provided her with a prepared script. She was coached on how to manipulate her previous statements. After meeting the Vijayawada Police Commissioner Rajashekhar Babu with her mother and lawyer, she reportedly had discussions with the investigation officer, DCP Sravanti Rai. It is said that she followed the script given by the police officials, claiming that she was coerced into signing documents.
However, observers and police sources pointed out the inconsistency in her claims. They argue that if she had indeed been forced to sign blank papers, she would have immediately exposed it in Mumbai and filed a case in court.
Ambarish Jatwani's Involvement
Police investigations have revealed that Kadambari Jatwani's brother, Ambarish Jatwani, was her accomplice in the conspiracy to blackmail industrialists, political leaders, and bureaucrats and amass huge assets. Ambarish Jatwani, known to have close ties with the Dubai underworld mafia, is an international smuggler. He was previously caught by customs officials at Ahmedabad Airport for smuggling gold and arrested with 599.490 grams of gold on December 30, 2021. He has played a role in blackmailing several industrialists, including Sajjan Jindal, and extracting substantial assets from them.

Honey Trap and Blackmailing: The Jethwani Family Business
Speaking to Sakshi TV, victim Vidhya Sagar said, "Engaging in blackmail and forgery to illegally seize assets is the Jethwani family's business. They threaten people to marry them or transfer properties. They forge signatures, create bogus documents, and execute well-planned conspiracies to seize properties. Apart from Kadambari Jethwani, her mother, brother Ambarish, and other family members are also involved. Many victims like me, including prominent industrial families from Jindal and Asian Paints, as well as others from Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore, have suffered at their hands. She introduced herself as Natasha in 2009 and had multiple passports and Aadhar cards. She would often blackmail people for money by morphing photos. When I found out in February this year that she was trying to sell my five acres of land in Jaggayyapet using forged documents, I lodged a police complaint. The police registered the case, arrested her, and presented her in court according to the law. I have no connection with the YSRCP."
"After my father Nageshwar Rao passed away before the 2014 elections, I had to contest from Penamaluru as an in-charge of YSRCP. After the election results, I stayed away from politics and have had no affiliation with any party since. This sudden summons of Kadambari Jethwani and her false allegations indicate a clear conspiracy. Why haven't they released the details of the seven phones seized from her in February? I am prepared for a legal battle in this case and am not afraid of the politics of blackmail."


IPS officers from AP in hot water over actor Kadambari Jethwani case 
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Kadambari Jethwani
The Capital News 
The involvement of IPS officers from Andhra Pradesh in the case of Mumbai-based model-turned-actress Kadambari Jethwani has sparked a nationwide controversy. The officers have been accused of framing Jethwani in a false case, forcibly bringing her from Mumbai to Vijayawada, and subjecting her to prolonged harassment. Allegations of the involvement of influential industrialist and politicians in the background have only intensified the uproar. Acting swiftly on orders from Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu, a special officer has been appointed as Vijayawada Police Commissioner to oversee the situation.
The police are currently recording Jethwani’s statement, who is staying in a hotel in Vijayawada. Investigating officer Sravanti Roy has already met with Jethwani to gather details. Jethwani reportedly recounted a series of distressing events, beginning with a rape case she had filed against renowned industrialist Sajjan Jindal. The actress had lodged a complaint at the BKC police station in December 2023, alleging she was molested in January 2022 at a penthouse above Jindal’s company’s headquarters. However, her complaint was initially ignored by the Mumbai Police, prompting her to approach the court. The Mumbai Police eventually booked Jindal under multiple sections of the Indian Penal Code, including 376 (rape), 354 (assault or criminal force on a woman, outraging her modesty), and 506 (criminal intimidation). The situation took a darker turn when, between February 5 and 9, 2024, Jethwani was set to testify and provide evidence in the case against Jindal. It was during this period that Andhra Pradesh Police entered the picture.
On February 2, 2024, the Andhra Police, acting on a complaint by one Kukkala Vidyasagar, brought Jethwani from Mumbai to Vijayawada. The then Vijayawada police commissioner, Kranti Rana Tata, along with other officers, allegedly acted irregularly, bypassing standard procedures to arrest Jethwani and her parents without thorough investigation. IPS officer Vishal Gunni led the arrest operation, reportedly seizing Jethwani’s mobile phone and iPod—items which were never presented in court and were allegedly claimed to contain evidence in the Sajjan Jindal case. Jethwani and her parents were held in Vijayawada jail from February 3 to March 15, 2024. Meanwhile, the Mumbai Police inexplicably closed the molestation case she had filed against Jindal, citing her unavailability due to the arrest.

Even after her release, Jethwani had to stay in Ibrahimpatnam, near Vijayawada, where she claims she continued to face harassment from police. On August 1, 2024, Jethwani lodged a fresh complaint at Juhu Police Station in Mumbai, detailing the alleged torture she endured while in Andhra Pradesh. She also pointed out discrepancies in the documents used to justify her arrest, claiming they were forged by the Andhra Police. “The document supposedly made in 2018 cites an address that I only purchased in 2020.
Moreover, the paper it’s written on was bought in 2023. It’s clear evidence of forgery,” she stated in her complaint. The close relationship between Vidyasagar, who filed the complaint against Jethwani, and other key figures has further fueled public outrage. As the police investigation continues, the conduct of the IPS officers involved has come under intense scrutiny, sparking widespread debate across the State. The case remains under investigation, with more developments expected in the coming days. Besides, former advisor Sajjala Ramakrishna Reddy who is close aide of former Chief Minister YS Jaganmohan Reddy’s influence behind the whole episode is also under investigation, said official. 

కాదంబరీ జెత్వానీ - సజ్జన్‌ జిందాల్‌ కేసు 
ముంబైకి చెందిన నటి కాదంబరీ జెత్వానీ విషయంలో గత ప్రభుత్వంలో ఏం జరిగిందో ఇప్పుడు చూస్తున్నాం. ఐపీఎస్‌ అధికారులు సైతం తమ బాధ్యతను విస్మరించి ప్రభుత్వ పెద్దల ఆదేశాలకు తలొగ్గి చట్టవిరుద్ధంగా వ్యవహరించి ఇప్పుడు చిక్కుల్లో ఇరుక్కున్నారు. ఈ వ్యవహారంలో ఆడపిల్ల అయిన కాదంబరికి వ్యతిరేకంగా వ్యవహరించిన అధికారులకు వత్తాసు పలుకుతూ జగన్‌రెడ్డి మీడియాలో వార్తలు వండి వారుస్తున్నారు. ఇంతకంటే నీతిమాలిన చర్య ఉంటుందా? జర్నలిజంలోని కనీస ప్రమాణాలు కూడా పాటించకుండా బాధితురాలినే విలన్‌గా చిత్రించడమా? అంతకంటే అపచారం ఉంటుందా? అందుకే జగన్‌రెడ్డి సొంత మీడియాను రోత మీడియా అని పిలవాల్సి వస్తోంది. సదరు రోత మీడియాకు వంత పాడుతున్న వారిని కూలి మీడియా అనడంలో తప్పేముంది? 
ప్రముఖ వ్యాపారి సజ్జన్‌ జిందాల్‌తో పాటు ఏషియన్‌ పెయింట్స్‌ అధినేతను కాదంబరి బ్లాక్‌ మెయిల్‌ చేశారని రోత మీడియా ఆవేశపడుతోంది. అది కూడా నిజమే అనుకుందాం. బ్లాక్‌ మెయిల్‌ సంఘటన జరిగివుంటే, అది ముంబైలో కదా జరిగింది? ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌ పోలీసులకు ఏం పని? అయినా, ఆమె బ్లాక్‌ మెయిల్‌ చేసే అవకాశం సదరు వ్యాపార దిగ్గజాలు ఎందుకు కల్పించారు? అప్పటి ముఖ్యమంత్రి జగన్‌రెడ్డి, సజ్జన్‌ జిందాల్‌ను కలుసుకున్న తర్వాతే కాదంబరికి కష్టాలు మొదలయ్యాయని ప్రస్తుతం పోలీసు విచారణలో స్పష్టమవుతోంది. సజ్జన్‌ జిందాల్‌ తరఫున అనైతికంగా, చట్టవిరుద్ధంగా వ్యవహరించడానికి మహారాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వం అంగీకరించి ఉండకపోవచ్చు. దాంతో జిందాల్‌ ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌ ముఖ్యమంత్రిని ఆశ్రయించి ఉంటారు. అప్పటికే ఆటవిక పాలనకు అలవాటు పడిన జగన్‌రెడ్డి సదరు సజ్జన్‌ జిందాల్‌కు అభయం ఇవ్వడం, తాము చట్టానికి బాధ్యులం అన్న విషయం మరచిన కాంతి రాణా, పీఎస్‌ఆర్‌ ఆంజనేయులు, విశాల్‌ గున్ని వంటి అధికారులు పాలకుడి ఆదేశాలను ఔదలదాల్చడంతో ఇదంతా జరిగింది. కాదంబరి అనే మోడల్‌ తమను బ్లాక్‌మెయిల్‌ చేస్తోందని సజ్జన్‌ జిందాల్‌ అండ్‌ కో మహారాష్ట్రలో అధికారికంగా ఎందుకు ఫిర్యాదు చేయలేదు? కాదంబరితో తమకున్న సంబంధం ఏమిటి? ఆమె తమను ఎలా బ్లాక్‌మెయిల్‌ చేశారో, ఎందుకు చేశారో సదరు పారిశ్రామికవేత్తలు చెప్పాలి కదా? తమను బ్లాక్‌మెయిల్‌ చేసే అవకాశం కల్పించిన పారిశ్రామికవేత్తలు నోరు విప్పాలి కదా? 
జిందాల్‌ అండ్‌ కోకు మేలు చేయడం కోసం నాటి ప్రభుత్వం కుక్కల విద్యాసాగర్‌ అనే వ్యక్తిని రంగప్రవేశం చేయించింది. రోత మీడియా కథనాల ప్రకారం కుక్కల విద్యాసాగర్‌ను కూడా కాదంబరి బ్లాక్‌మెయిల్‌ చేసి భూమి రాయించుకున్నారు. దానిపై కుక్కల ఫిర్యాదు చేసినందునే పోలీసులు కాదంబరిని ముంబై నుంచి తీసుకువచ్చారట. ఫిబ్రవరి 2వ తేదీన కుక్కల విద్యాసాగర్‌ ఫిర్యాదు చేసినట్టు రికార్డులలో ఉంది. అలాంటప్పుడు ఫిబ్రవరి ఒకటవ తేదీనే విశాల్‌ గున్ని, రమణమూర్తి, ముత్యాల సత్యనారాయణ తదితర అధికారులు మహిళా పోలీసులు లేకుండా గన్నవరం నుంచి ముంబై ఎందుకు వెళ్లారు? కాదంబరి కొనకపోయినా, భూమికి సంబంధించిన డాక్యుమెంట్లను డాక్యుమెంట్‌ రైటర్‌ను బెదిరించి తమకు కావాల్సింది రాయించారు. అయినా జగన్‌ రోత మీడియా తప్పు చేసిన అధికారులను రక్షించే ప్రయత్నాన్ని నిస్సిగ్గుగా చేస్తోంది.

హనీ ట్రాప్‌ చేయడం కాదంబరికి అలవాటేనని కుక్కల విద్యాసాగర్‌ వాపోతున్నట్టుగా కూడా మరో రోత కథనం ప్రచురించారు. నిజమే అనుకుందాం. రాష్ట్రంలో అయిదు కోట్ల మంది జనాభా ఉన్నారు. విద్యాసాగర్‌ కంటే ధనవంతులు ఉన్నారు. అయినా కుక్కలను మాత్రమే ఆమె ఎందుకు ఎంచుకున్నారు? అంటే అతడు ఆమెతో వ్యవహారానికి ప్రయత్నించినట్టే కదా? సజ్జన్‌ జిందాల్‌ అయినా, మరొకరు అయినా ఆమె జోలికి వెళ్లి ఉండకపోతే బ్లాక్‌ మెయిల్‌ చేసే అవకాశం వచ్చేది కాదు కదా? వ్యక్తిగత బలహీనతల వల్ల ఇబ్బందుల్లో పడ్డవారు సానుభూతికి అనర్హులు. అలాంటి వారికి వత్తాసు పలుకుతున్న జగన్‌ మీడియా రోత మీడియానే అవుతుంది. 
గత ప్రభుత్వంలో పోలీసు వ్యవస్థను ఏ స్థాయిలో భ్రష్టుపట్టించారో ఈ సంఘటనను బట్టి తెలుస్తోంది. పోలీసులపై అతిగా ఆధారపడి పాలించిన ఏ రాజకీయ పార్టీ కూడా బాగుపడిన దాఖలాలు లేవు. అయినా బ్లాక్‌మెయిల్‌ చేశారని చట్టవిరుద్ధంగా నిర్బంధించి చిత్రహింసలు పెట్టవచ్చా? అలా అయితే వివేకానందరెడ్డి హత్య కేసుతో పాటు అవినీతి కేసులలో ఆరోపణలు ఎదుర్కొంటున్న జగన్‌రెడ్డిని కూడా ఇలాగే చిత్రహింసలు పెట్టవచ్చా? అలా చేస్తే ఇదే రోత మీడియా గగ్గోలు పెట్టదా? ఇప్పుడు కూటమి నాయకులు, ఎమ్మెల్యేలు ఈ వాస్తవాన్ని మరచిపోకూడదు. పోలీసు అధికారులకు కూడా కాదంబరి వ్యవహారం ఒక గుణపాఠం అవుతుంది. ఇవాళ కాకపోతే రేపైనా పాపం పండుతుంది అంటారు. అందుకే గత పాలనలోని చేదు జ్ఞాపకాలను మరిపించే విధంగా కూటమి నేతలు వ్యవహరించకూడదు. తస్మాత్‌ జాగ్రత్త!


కడపజిల్లా సున్నపురాళ్లపల్లెలో గత ఏడాది ఫిబ్రవరి 15న శంకుస్థాపన జరిగిన జిందాల్ స్టీల్ ఫ్యాక్టరీ పరిస్థితి ఏమిటీ? 

15 Feb 2023

CM Jagan lays foundation stone for Rs 8,800 cr JSW steel plant in Andhra Pradesh
Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy on Wednesday laid the foundation stone for JSW Group's proposed steel plant at Sunnapurallapalle village in YSR Kadapa district. In the first phase, JSW steel will invest Rs 3,300 crore in the proposed plant and one million tonnes of steel per annum will be produced during the first year. The facility will be upgraded to two million tonnes per year in the second phase and will eventually reach three million tonnes capacity per annum.
The total investment for all the three phases would be Rs 8800 crore, AP CM noted.
"Once the steel plant is set up, there will be an ecosystem developed with several ancillary units. Once the ecosystem is created, then the entire area would be transformed into a Steel City," Jagan said after laying the foundation stone.

The CM said all necessary infrastructure such as road, power and water supply will be provided at an outlay of Rs 700 crore, to the plant.
Jagan expressed hope that the steel plant would be commissioned in 24 to 30 months.
Sajjan Jindal, chairman and Managing Director of JSW Group, said the laying of the foundation is just the beginning and it will convert into a big steel plant in the years to come.
The steel plant which he set up in Bellary in 1995 with an initial production capacity of 1.20 million tonnes per annum has now reached 13 MTPA and is poised to become the world's largest steel plant with 25 MTPA in the next few years.
"I can promise you that over the years this place will blossom. This will be known on the map as the steel district of India," Jindal said.
He expressed his desire to create a model steel plant in Kadapa district, which will be the "greenest steel  plant" in the country and the world, which will be operating on 'green fuel'.
"We are looking to build a very futuristic and very modern steel plant," he added.

Sunday, May 12, 2019

Adani Group 'SLAPP' Pushes EPW Editor Out of His Job

Adani Group 'SLAPP' Pushes EPW Editor Out of His Job

Worried about the threat of an expensive lawsuit by one of India's biggest corporate houses, the trustees running the journal ordered the removal of articles critical of Adani Power Ltd.

Adani Group 'SLAPP' Pushes EPW Editor Out of His Job
Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, who resigned as editor of the Economic & Political Weekly (left), and Gautam Adani, promoter of the Adani group, whose legal notice precipitated Thakurta's exit from the celebrated journal.

The Wire Staff
The Wire Staff
MEDIA
18/JUL/2017

New Delhi: Economic & Political Weekly (EPW) editor Paranjoy Guha Thakurta became the first top-level editorial casualty of corporate India’s increasing tendency to file multi-crore defamation cases as a means of countering critical reporting, resigning after the directors of the trust which runs the storied journal ordered him to take down an article on the Adani group.

Last month, Adani Power Ltd. sent a letter via its lawyers to EPW, the article’s four authors (which included Thakurta) and Sameeksha Trust, which owns and runs the journal. The lawyer’s letter demanded that immediate steps be taken to “remove/delete and unconditionally retract” an article  ‘Modi Government’s Rs 500-Crore Bonanza to the Adani Group’ (June 24, 2017) that they said was defamatory and harmful to the reputation of their client. The letter also objected to the publication of an earlier article,‘Did the Adani Group Evade Rs 1,000 Crore in Taxes?’ (January 14, 2017), but did not specifically ask for it to be removed.

The letter said that unless this was done, “our clients shall be constrained to take such action as they may be advised”.

On Tuesday, the Sameeksha Trust board, which met in Delhi, ordered the editorial department to take the article down (alongside which Thakurta had also posted a copy of the Adani letter and a legal response by EPW).

Thakurta resigned soon after the meeting. He told The Wire that he was looking forward to spending more time with his family in Delhi. EPW’s editorial offices are in Mumbai.

Sameeksha Trust chair Deepak Nayyar was not available for comment, nor were other board members that The Wire reached out to: historian Romila Thapar, political scientist Rajeev Bhargava and sociologist Dipankar Gupta. It is understood that the trust will issue a statement on the latest developments on July 20.

Both articles were republished by The Wire at the time of their original publication in EPW and will continue to be available:

Did the Adani Group Evade Rs 1,000 Crore in Taxes?
Modi Government’s Rs 500-Crore Bonanza to the Adani Group

Adani’s lawyers have also written to The Wire demanding the second article be taken down.

Founded in 1949 as the Economic Weekly, EPW took on its current name in 1966 and is one of India’s most respected publications, straddling scholarship and political commentary. Thakurta, a highly regarded business journalist and political commentator, took over the editorship in January 2016 from C. Rammanohar Reddy, who ran the journal for over a decade.

SLAPP down criticism, investigative reporting

The Adani letter is an example of what media analysts and lawyers call ‘strategic lawsuits against public participation’ – or SLAPPs.

In a 2015 editorial calling for the United States to emulate California and enact a federal law protecting free speech against encroachment by powerful interests, the Los Angeles Times pithily described what SLAPPs are all about: “A deep-pocketed corporation, developer or government official files a lawsuit whose real purpose is to silence a critic, punish a whistleblower or win a commercial dispute.”

What is notable about the Sameeksha Trust’s decision to pull the plug on the two articles is that Adani had only sent them a lawyer’s letter and not filed an actual case despite the expiry of the 48-hour deadline mentioned in the letter.

Such legal letters threatening expensive and time-consuming litigation are increasingly being used by large corporations to intimidate editors, proprietors, journalists and writers and prevent them from shining a light on allegations of wrongdoing.

In India, companies with deep pockets can not only resort to filing for civil defamation and seeking crores of rupees in damages, they are also free to invoke the law of criminal defamation, under which an accused person can be imprisoned. Last year, a petition to strike down criminal defamation as unconstitutional was rejected by the Supreme Court, making India one of the only democracies in the world to still retain the draconian law on its statute books.

Targeting The Wire

The National Democratic Alliance politician and MP Rajeev Chandrashekhar filed two defamation suits worth Rs 10 crore each against The Wire in March 2017 for having published articles that focused on his new media venture, Republic TV, and the potential conflict of interest involved in his serving on the parliament’s standing committee for defence while owning companies that are involved in the military sphere. Unusually, Chandrashekhar managed to secure an ex parte injunction from a local court in Bengaluru for the two articles to be taken down, without The Wire even being heard.

Chandrashekhar’s suits are currently being challenged by the Foundation for Independent Journalism, the not-for-profit company that publishes The Wire.

The Wire‘s editors have also been summoned by the chief judicial magistrate in Aizawl, Mizoram, following the registration of a criminal defamation case by E-Cool Gaming Solutions – a company linked to ZEE TV owner Subhash Chandra – for an article published in The Wire based on a CAG report critical of the functioning of one of his group companies involved in the lottery business in the northeastern state.

Note 1: The story has been updated to note that The Wire has received a letter from Adani’s lawyers demanding that the article by Paranjoy Guha Thakurta et al. be taken down from its website.

Note 2: Though the legal letter from the Adanis attacked two articles written by Paranjoy Guha Thakurta et al, it asked for only the second, ‘Modi Government’s Rs 500-Crore Bonanza to the Adani Group’, to be taken down. In an earlier version of this article, it was incorrectly stated that both articles have been taken down. It is, in fact, only the one the Adanis demanded that was removed from the EPW site.







The Golden Touch of Jay Amit Shah

The Golden Touch of Jay Amit Shah
BJP president Amit Shah’s son, Jay Shah, has seen a dramatic increase in some of his businesses since Narendra Modi became prime minister.

The Golden Touch of Jay Amit Shah
Rohini Singh
Rohini Singh
BUSINESSPOLITICS
08/OCT/2017


Jay Shah, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP president Amit Shah, seen here at the wedding reception of Jay in 2015. Credit: BJP

Key highlights:

Turnover of a company owned by Shah’s son increased 16,000 times over in the year following election of PM Narendra Modi
Revenue from company owned by Amit Shah’s son jumped from just Rs 50,000 to over Rs 80,00,00,000 in a single year
Firm of Amit Shah’s son, whose business is chiefly stock trading, turns to windmill generation with PSU loan
Do a story on Amit Shah’s son’s ‘honest, legal, bonafide’ businesses and ‘he shall reserve right to prosecute you’, his lawyer warns The Wire
New Delhi: The turnover of a company owned by Jay Amitbhai Shah, son of Bharatiya Janata Party leader Amit Shah, increased 16,000 times over in the year following the election of Narendra Modi as prime minister and the elevation of his father to the post of party president, filings with the Registrar of Companies (RoC) show.

Company balance sheets and annual reports obtained from the RoC reveal that in the financial years ending March 2013 and 2014, Shah’s Temple Enterprise Private Ltd. engaged in negligible activity and recorded losses of Rs 6,230 and Rs 1,724 respectively. In 2014-15, it showed a profit of Rs 18,728 on revenues of only Rs 50,000 before jumping to a turnover of Rs 80.5 crore in 2015-16.

The astonishing surge in Temple Enterprise’s revenues came at a time when the firm received an unsecured loan of Rs 15.78 crore from a financial services firm owned by Rajesh Khandwala, the samdhi (in-law) of Parimal Nathwani, a Rajya Sabha MP and top executive of Reliance Industries.

One year later, in October 2016, however, Jay Shah’s company suddenly stopped its business activities altogether, declaring, in its director’s report, that Temple’s net worth had “fully eroded” because of the loss it posted that year of Rs 1.4 crore and its losses over earlier years.

The Wire sent a questionnaire to Jay Shah on Thursday seeking details about the shifting fortunes of Temple Enterprise and his other business ventures, as obtained from RoC filings, which he said he could not immediately respond to as he was travelling. On Friday, however, Shah’s lawyer, Manik Dogra, sent in a response with a warning that criminal and civil defamation proceedings would be launched in the event of “any slant or imputation which alleges or suggests any impropriety on his part.”

As is obvious, the story the RoC documents themselves tell do not indicate anything more than the bare fact of various loans and revenues, which have not been denied by Shah’s lawyer. The world over, it is normal for the business affairs of politicians’ relatives in democracies to be subjected to public scrutiny, especially when there is a sudden change in fortunes that coincides with an uptick in the political cycle. During UPA-II, for example, the Congress party spent the better part of three years confronting questions about how party president Sonia Gandhi’s son-in-law, Robert Vadra, had managed to grow his real estate businesses on the basis of loans, including unsecured advances by real estate giant DLF. Indeed the sharpest attacks on Vadra’s affairs were from the BJP.

Though Shah’s lawyer has not disputed the information drawn from Shah’s submissions – filings that companies must mandatorily make with the RoC to enable public viewing and examination – The Wire will be happy to publish any response from Shah as and when it is received.

The shifting fortunes of Temple Enterprise

Temple Enterprise was incorporated in 2004 with Jay Shah and Jitendra Shah listed as its directors. BJP president Amit Shah’s wife, Sonal Shah, also has a stake in the company.

In 2013-14, Temple Enterprise did not own any fixed assets and had no inventories or stock. It also got an income tax refund of Rs 5,796. In FY 2014-15, it earned Rs 50,000 as revenue. However, in 2015-16, the firm’s revenues jumped to over Rs 80.5 crore, a growth of 16 lakh percent. Reserves and surplus turned negative to Rs 80.2 lakh from Rs 19 lakh the previous year. Trade payables were Rs 2.65 crore, up from Rs 5,618 the previous year. The assets of the company were only Rs 2 lakh. The firm had no fixed assets the year before. Short-term loans and advances were Rs 4.14 crore, up from Rs 10,000 the year before. Inventories were Rs 9 crore, up from zero the previous year, according to the firm’s filings.

The massive increase in revenues is described in the filings as coming from the “sale of products”. This included Rs 51 crore of foreign earnings, up from zero the previous year.

The filings also reveal an unsecured loan of Rs 15.78 crore from a listed entity, KIFS Financial Services. The revenue of KIFS Financial Services for the same financial year when the loan was given was Rs 7 crore. The annual report of KIFS Financial Services also does not reflect the Rs 15.78 crore unsecured loan given to Temple Enterprise.

Rajesh Khandwala, the promoter of KIFS Financial Services, first agreed to respond to The Wire’s questionnaire sent on Thursday seeking clarification on his firm’s dealings with Shah’s companies but subsequently did not respond to calls and messages. KIFS, a non-banking financial company (NBFC), has had run-ins with SEBI in the past.

Gujarat CM Narendra Modi Parimal Nathwani-source-Parimal Nathwani website-china delegation
File photo: PM Narendra Modi with MP Parimal Nathwani. Credit: parimalnathwani.com

Parimal Nathwani (left) and Rajesh Khandwala (right), with their respective spouses. Credit: parimalnathwani.com
Khandwala’s daughter is married to Parimal Nathwani’s son. Ahmedabad-based Nathwani heads the Gujarat operations of Reliance Industries and has operated for years at the intersection of business and politics. He is an independent member of parliament from the upper house. His re-election to the Rajya Sabha in 2014 was supported by BJP legislators in Jharkhand.

A source close to Amit Shah told this reporter that neither Nathwani or Reliance had any role to play in the facilitation of the unsecured loan from Khandwala’s firm to Temple Enterprise. On his part, Jay Shah’s lawyer said in his written response to The Wire that Khandwala is an old friend of the family.

Also Read: Opposition Seeks Probe Into Jay Shah’s Firm After The Wire’s Report
“Rajesh Khandwala, the promoter of KIFS is the sharebroker for the family of Jay Shah for the last several years. This NBFC has been providing loans to Jay Shah’s and Jitendra Shah’s other businesses regularly for the last several years. Jay Shah has had family relations with Rajesh Khandwala much prior to the marriage of Nathwani’s son to Khandwala’s daughter, about 4 years ago,” says the statement from Shah’s lawyer.

In response to the query about the loan, Jay Shah’s lawyer wrote:

“Jay Shah, Jitendra Shah and their associates invested share capital and unsecured loans in this company [Temple Enterprise]. Since working capital facilities were not available to a new business/company, interest bearing Inter Corporate Deposits (ICD) were taken from time to time from KIFS Financial Services Ltd., a registered NBFC, to run this business. Tax has been deducted on the interest paid (TDS) regularly and the principal and interest amount has been repaid in full.”

In 2015, the same year KIFS provided an unsecured loan to Shah’s firm, Khandwala and Shah also formed a limited liability partnership (LLP), Sattva Tradelink, though this was dissolved later. The Wire had asked Jay Shah to describe his dealings with Khandwala, incuding Sattva Tradelink. Replying on Shah’s behalf, his lawyer said: “Though this LLP was formed by Jay Shah with Khandwala, in view of adverse market conditions no business was carried out and the LLP was wound up and has already been struck off from the Registrar records.” (emphasis added).

It is not clear what Shah’s lawyer meant by ‘adverse market conditions’, for the year the LLP was formed was also the year Khandwala’s firm lent Rs 15.78 crore to Shah’s company and the latter went on to book revenues of Rs 80.5 crore.

Specific questions to Khandwala about why the annual report of KIFS Financial Services for the loan year does not mention the loan to Jay Shah’s company went unanswered.

After the boom, the bust

According to Shah’s RoC filings, Temple Enterprise is described as being engaged in wholesale trade and more than 95% of revenues come from the sale of agricultural products. “Temple Enterprise is in the business of import and export of agri commodities like rapeseed DOC, castor DOC meal, desi chana, soyabean, coriander seeds, rice, wheat, maize etc,” notes the statement from Shah’s lawyer.  The statement also credits the business acumen of Shah’s partner, Jitendra Jayantilal Shah, and the education Amit Shah’s son received for the performance of the company. “The business ownership and management was principally held by Jay Shah and Jitendra Shah (an old family friend) and their associates. Jay Shah is a qualified engineer having done his B.Tech from the renowned Nirma University and Jitendra Shah was already engaged in the business of commodities for the last several years and his companies had been recording an annual turnover of over Rs.100 crore,” says the statement.

Shah’s lawyer also said a turnover of Rs 80 crore in the commodity business is not “abnormally high.”

What does appear a little abnormal, however, is that the firm, whose revenues jumped from just Rs 50,000 to over Rs 80 crore in a single year (FY 2015-16) stopped its business activities last year. The explanation offered by Shah’s lawyer: “Unfortunately, the business activities of the Temple Enterprise Pvt. Ltd. resulted in losses due to which the business activities were stopped sometime in October, 2016.”

From stock trading to power generation

Kusum Finserve is a limited liability partnership incorporated in July 2015 with Jay Shah owning a 60% stake in it. It was formerly a private limited company, Kusum Finserve Private Ltd, before being converted into an LLP. The private limited company also got inter-corporate deposits from KIFS Financial worth Rs 2.6 crore in FY 2014-15. The partnership generated Rs 24 crore as income as per its last filings.

The filings also reflect an unsecured loan of Rs 4.9 crore but do not specify from whom. Shah’s lawyer says the main business of Kusum Finserve is “trading in stocks and shares, import and export activities and distribution and marketing consultancy services.” He adds that KIFS Financial Services has regularly been giving it loans. “This entity has also been regularly raising ICDs/loans from KIFS Financial Services for the last several years and the amount of Rs. 4.9 crore was the outstanding closing balance from them. These amounts were used for regular working capital. Tax has been deducted on the interest paid (TDS) and principal and interest amount has been repaid in full,” the statement says.

While the main business of the firm is trading in stocks, its RoC filings reveal it is involved in diversifying into a completely unrelated field: it is setting up a 2.1 megawatt windmill plant worth Rs 15 crore  in Ratlam, Madhya Pradesh.

Loans from a cooperative bank, and a PSU

Shah’s filings with the RoC also reflect Rs 25 crore worth of finance from the Kalupur Commercial Cooperative Bank. The board of directors of the bank include individuals from the Nirma group and Nirma university. The chairman emeritus of the bank is Nirma’s Ambubhai Maganbhai Patel.


File photo of wind turbines in Rajasthan Credit: REUTERS/Pawan Kumar

The properties mortgaged include one owned by BJP president Amit Shah, valued at Rs 5 crore, and another transferred by an associate of Amit Shah, Yashpal Chudasama, to Kusum Finserve Private Limited in 2014. Shah did not reveal what the value of the 2002 square foot property was but market estimates put it at Rs 1.2 crore. Chudasama, a former director of the Ahmedabad District Cooperative Bank, was chargesheeted by the CBI in 2010 for attempting to “convince, coerce, threaten, and influence witnesses on [Amit Shah’s] behalf to conceal the truth from the CBI” about the fake encounter of Sohrabuddin and his wife Kauser-bi. In 2015, a special CBI court discharged Chudasama from the case, just as it had discharged Amit Shah too in December 2014.

Asked how Kusum Finserve had managed to raise a loan of Rs 25 crore from a cooperative bank against collateral valued at under Rs 7 crore, and whether other properties had also been mortgaged, Jay Shah’s lawyer said the bank did not give the firm a “loan” but a “non fund based working capital facility in the form of a Letter of Credit up to Rs 25 crore.” This facility is availed “from time to time,” says the lawyer’s statement. “This facility has been secured on usual banking terms which include hypothecation of the goods purchased under the LC, cash margin of 10% and collateral security of a property belonging to Jay Shah’s father and another property of Kusum Finserve (purchased on April 5, 2014 through a duly executed purchase deed) which is duly reflected in the financial statement of April, 2014 to March, 2015,” says the statement.

“The bank receives payments before the retirement of LC on its due date resulting in this being a non-funded and no-risk facility for the bank,” Shah’s lawyer said.

Piyush Goyal
Railways minister Piyush Goyal, formerly minister in charge of the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy.  (Credit: Piyush Goyal/Facebook)

Besides the cooperative bank, Jay Shah’s partnership has also availed of a Rs 10.35 crore loan from a public sector enterprise, Indian Renewable Energy Development Agency (IREDA), described as a ‘mini ratna’ on its website, in March 2016. It is controlled by the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy. Piyush Goyal was the minister at the time the loan was sanctioned.

“The loan taken from IREDA for setting up a 2.1 MW wind energy plant is based on the equipment prices prevailing at that point of time as per industry standards (approx Rs 14.3 crore) and duly appraised and sanctioned in the normal course of business. The outstanding loan as on 30-06-2017 is Rs 8.52 crore and interest and repayment of loan are regular,” says Shah’s lawyer.

What is not clear are the parameters by which a partnership whose primary business, according to Shah’s lawyer, is “trading in stocks and shares, import and export activities and distribution and marketing consultancy services” decided to apply for and get a loan sanctioned for a 2.1 MW wind energy plant despite lacking any experience in the infrastructure or electricity sector. The Wire has reached out to IREDA about its lending policies and will add its response later.

From Shah’s lawyer, a threat

While replying to The Wire‘s questions on behalf of his  client, Jay Shah’s lawyer warned that any story on Jay Shah’s business dealings could have adverse legal consequences:

“In view of the answers and explanations detailed above, the facts are absolutely clear and you are requested not to publish anything in this behalf, which would not only infringe my clients’ privacy rights but would also be libelous and/or defamatory.

“Jay Shah is a private citizen doing his legitimate business. His business transactions are honest, legal and bonafide. Your questionnaire indicates that your intention is to drag him into a false and a manufactured controversy. Any slant or imputation which alleges or suggests any impropriety on his part will not only be false but also malicious and defamatory. It will also be a breach of his fundamental right to privacy. He shall, in that event reserve the right to prosecute you for defamation and also sue you for the civil wrongs.

“Notwithstanding the above, if you or anyone in the print, electronic or digital media carries and/or broadcasts any defamatory and/or false imputations including those which breach his fundamental right of privacy and/or defame him, Jay Shah reserves the right to prosecute and sue such person/entity including anyone who carries or broadcasts a repetition of such libelous/defamatory statement.”

Rohini Singh is an investigative reporter who worked at the Economic Times till recently. In 2011, she broke the story of Robert Vadra’s business dealings with DLF.


Paranjoy Guha Thakurta quits as EPW editor

Paranjoy Guha Thakurta quits as EPW editor
STAFF REPORTER MUMBAI,  JULY 18, 2017 21:28 IST
UPDATED: JULY 19, 2017 07:57 IST
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 Paranjoy Guha Thakurta
Paranjoy Guha Thakurta  

Mr. Guha Thakurta, a senior journalist, author and political commentator, took over as Editor of EPW from C. Rammanohar Reddy.
Paranjoy Guha Thakurta stepped down from his position as Editor of Economic and Political Weekly (EPW) on Tuesday.

The resignation comes in the wake of the Adani Group sending the 50-year-old journal a defamation notice earlier this month for a story on how the government allegedly bent the rules for the group with regard to Special Economic Zones, which allegedly led to the business group earning a refund on tax worth Rs. 500 crore.

Speaking to The Hindu, Mr. Guha Thakurta confirmed his resignation but not whether this was over differences with the board of trustees over the defamation notice. “I have decided to spend more time in Delhi with my family. I was honoured and privileged to be its Editor for 15 months and a little longer,” he said.

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 Illustration: Deepak Harichandan
Why EPW matters

 
The Adani Group sent the notice to Sameeksha Trust, the publisher of EPW and the authors of the article, Mr. Guha Thakurta, Abir Dasgupta, the Editorial Assistant, and two independent journalists Advait Rao Palepu and Shinzani Jain.

Mr. Guha Thakurta, a senior journalist, author and political commentator, took over as Editor of EPW  in 2016. C. Rammanohar Reddy, who was its Editor since 2004, quit over differences with the board of trustees on the publication’s 50th anniversary celebrations.